09 October, 1949: Territorial Army Established

09 October, 1949: Territorial Army Established

December 10, 2007

New Delhi

PM's address at the Indian Military Academy Passing Out Parade (Excerpts)

"l am truly delighted to be here today. It gives me great pride to review the Passing Out Parade of the Platinum Jubilee Course of the Indian Military Academy. This is a national institution of great importance of which the entire nation is proud. And today is a red-letter day for this great institution. I salute the memory of all those great soldiers and officers who had the honour and the privilege of earning their spurs in these portals.

Nearly sixty years ago, a few days after the passing away of the Father of Our Nation, Lord Mountbatten gave an important message to this Academy when he said:

"It is for the Army, more than any other organized unit in the country, both, to set an example and to bring about the policy Mahatma Gandhi gave his life for; that of Unified India without any communal buttress or ill feeling".

These words ring true even today. The Indian Army is a symbol and a proud example of the unity of our great country. It is a living example of national integration. Each one of you is a proud soldier of India willing to perform the supreme sacrifice for our Republic, without fear or favour, without any prejudice based on your ethnic, religious, linguistic, regional or caste identity. You are Indians first, and Indians last.

The Indian Armed Forces are the best and the most shining example of "Unity in Diversity". It is your responsibility to strengthen the values of secularism, apolitical outlook and professionalism, which your worthy predecessors have so painstakingly nurtured. Our Nation, our people and, indeed, the world at large respect the professionalism of our armed forces.

The Indian Army has a formidable image, both at home and abroad. It is an Army known for its long martial tradition with the ethos of nationalism, patriotism and discipline as its bedrock. Our citizens are proud of the sacrifices made by our armed forces. We salute the Army's role in preserving our territorial integrity, as also in serving our people during times of national calamities. We all admire the Army for the exemplary service it has rendered and continues to render to our nation. We admire the exemplary humanism and professionalism of the Indian Army in providing relief and supporting rehabilitation in the aftermath of a flood, an earthquake, a landslide or other natural calamities.

The IMA flag has the Colours – ‘Steel Grey' and 'Blood Red' with the motto, ‘Valour and Wisdom'. These symbolise the steel in your resolve to perform with valour and wisdom. From Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw to Param Vir Chakras Som Nath and Manoj Pandey, this great institution has nurtured leaders of great calibre who have distinguished themselves in the service of our nation in war and in peace.

The Indian Armed Forces do in fact have a message for our people and for the world around us based on the record of their service to our nation. They have adhered to the highest standards of professional conduct. They function with the deepest regard for the letter and spirit of the democratic Constitution of our secular Republic.

Our armed forces have demonstrated to the world that it is possible for one of the largest armies in the world, one of the oldest armies in the world and one of the most professional armies in the world to strengthen the sinews of a democratic society and pluralistic nation. We feel proud about this unblemished record of professionalism of our armed forces. By strengthening the foundations of our democracy, and defending democracy at home and abroad, through UN Peacekeeping, you have set an example for nations and societies across the world.

The challenge before you today is to become more efficient and more modern in your functioning. In the modern world a modern army is a knowledge-based force. The application of science and technology and information technology has become an integral part of defence preparedness and warfare. It used to be said, in a different age, that an army moves on its belly. That was a time when brawn more than brain, determined the power of a soldier.

In the knowledge era, every soldier is a thinking machine. This means we need better educated and better trained soldiers. It also means that our officers and soldiers must be able to relate to each other as trained professionals.

Hence, high quality training, good quality equipment and the ability to strategise and act are essential to the success of our armed forces. Training, equipment and organisation are keys to delivery in action….

Another dimension of a modern army in the modern world is increased jointness in action and in thinking. At every stage in the career of our officers and soldiers we need greater investment in jointness in thinking and functioning. Institutions like the Indian Military Academy, and other institutions of our armed forces, must develop the intellectual and organisational framework for such jointness in thinking and in action.

An important, perhaps "the" important function of the Indian Military Academy, and its sister institutions in the armed forces, is in fact to instil the correct leadership values in our officers. What you have learnt here constitutes the foundation on which you will act, you will lead and you will learn in years to come. These values of valour, courage, camaraderie, integrity, honesty and efficiency are fundamental values of good leadership.

The second role of an institution like the IMA would be to instil a respect for knowledge and learning. Constant learning and re-learning are necessary to remain relevant in a fast changing world. I have always been impressed by the quality of our training and management development institutions of our Armed Forces. That is why our institutions also continue to attract students from distant lands.

I am happy to know that today amongst those who are passing out are members of friendly foreign countries of Kyrgyzstan, Lesotho, Bhutan and Kazakhstan. I hope each one of our guest-cadets have enjoyed their stay in India and will be returning home with happy memories of their stay in our country. I also hope that the training that they have received here will benefit them in the service of their country. The bonds of friendship with fellow cadets that they have formed here will further strengthen the bonds of friendship between our nations.

I extend my heartiest congratulations to the proud parents and guardians of the cadets. Their pride is well justified; for the young men here are the creme-de-la-creme of our great nation. The nation reposes its trust in them. It looks to them with pride and with hope. Let me once again compliment them on the steadiness and precision that they have shown in the parade today. I wish them all great success in their chosen career.  Finally, let me remind them of their ideal, their duty, their Karma and their Dharma in one line, 'For the honour of India'."

Source: Manmohan Singh Papers, MSS, NMML

2nd October, 1869: Birth Anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi

2^nd October, 1869: Birth Anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi

To American Friends:

Dear Friends,

          As I am supposed to be the spirit behind the much discussed and equally well abused resolution of the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress on Independence, it has become necessary for me  to explain my position. For I am not unknown to you.  I  have in America, perhaps, the largest number of friends in the West – not even excepting Great Britain. British friends knowing me personally are more discerning than the American. In America I am a victim of the well-known malady called – hero worship. Good Dr. Holmes until recently of the Unity Church of the New York, without knowing me personally, became my advertising agent. Some of the nice things he said about me I never knew myself. So I receive often embarrassing letters from America expecting me to perform miracles. Dr. Holmes was followed much later by the late Bishop Fisher who knew me personally in India. He very nearly dragged me to America but fates had ordained otherwise and I could not visit your vast and great country with its wonderful people.

Moreover, you have given me a teacher of Thoreau who furnished me through his essay on the ‘Duty of Civil Disobedience’ scientific confirmation of what I was doing in South Africa. Great Britain gave me Ruskin whose ‘Unto this Last’ transformed me overnight from a lawyer and city-dweller into a rustic living away from Durban on a farm three miles from the nearest railway station and Russia gave me in Tolstoy a teacher who furnished a reasoned basis for my non-violence. He blessed my movement in South Africa when it was in its infancy and of whose wonderful possibilities I had yet to learn. It was he who had prophesied in his letter to me that I was leading a movement which was destined to bring a message of hope to the down-trodden people of the earth. So you will see that I have not approached the present task in any spirit of enmity to Great Britain and the West. After having imbibed and assimilated the message of ‘Unto this Last’ I could not be guilty of approving of Fascism or Nazism whose cult is suppression of the individual and his liberty.

I invite you to read my formula of withdrawal or as it has been popularly called ‘Quit India’ with this background. You may not read into it more than the context warrants.

I claim to be a votary of truth from my childhood. It was the most natural thing to me. My prayerful search gave me the revealing maxim “Truth is God” instead of the usual one “God is Truth”. That maxim enables me to see God face to face as it were. I feel him pervade every fibre of my being. With this Truth as witness between you and me, I assert that I would not have asked my country to invite Great Britain to withdraw her rule over India, irrespective of any demand to the contrary, had I not seen at once that for the sake of Great Britain and Allied cause it was necessary for Britain boldly to perform the duty of freeing India from bondage. Without this essential act of tardy justice Britain could not justify her position before the unmurmuring World Conscience, which is not vocal but which is there nevertheless. Singapore, Malaya and Burma taught me that the disaster must not be repeated in India. I make bold to say that it cannot be averted unless Britain trusts the people of India to use their liberty in favour of the Allied cause. By that supreme act of justice Britain would have taken away all cause for the seething discontent of India. She will turn the growing illwill into active goodwill. I submit that it is worth all the battleships and airships that your wonder-working engineers and financial resources can produce.

I know that interested propaganda has filled your ears and eyes with distorted versions of the Congress position. I have been painted as a hypocrite and enemy of Britain under disguise. My demonstrable spirit of accommodation has been described as my inconsistency proving me to be an utterly unreliable man. I am not going to burden this letter with proof in support of my assertions. If the credit I have enjoyed in America will not stand me in good stead, nothing I may argue in self defence will carry conviction against the formidable but false propaganda that has poisoned American ears.

You have made common cause with Great Britain. You cannot therefore disown responsibility for anything that her representatives do in India. You will do a grievous wrong to the Allied cause, if you do not shift the truth from the chaff whilst there is yet time. Just think of it. Is there anything wrong in the Congress demanding unconditional recognition of India’s Independence? It is being said, ‘But this is not the time’. We say, ‘This is the psychological moment for that recognition’. For then and then only can there be irresistible opposition to Japanese aggression. It is of immense value to the Allied cause, if it is also of equal value to India. The Congress has anticipated and provided for every possible difficulty in the way of recognition. I want you to look upon the immediate recognition of India’s Independence as a war measure of first class magnitude.

I am,

Your friend,

M.K. Gandhi:

On the way to Bombay

3.8.1942:

Source: M.K. Gandhi Papers (Pyarelal) (XV Inst.), MSS, NMML

2nd October, 1904: Birth Anniversary of Lal Bahadur Shastri

2^nd October, 1904: Birth Anniversary of Lal Bahadur Shastri

Shastriji -As Conciliator

Second October is a doubly important, auspicious day for the people of India: the one, the birthday of a truly great man of our time of whom Einstein, the eminent scientist said, "generations to come will scarcely believe that such a one as this ever in flesh and blood walked upon this earth’’. The other, the birthday of a man of humble origin who by his character and dedicated service became the First Minister of the Union Government of India. Even though his tenure was all too brief-cut off by sudden death - Lal Bahadur Shastri did make an impact on his people and contributed to national progress.

What was Shastriji’s out standing contribution or achievement? He embodied what might be called the best in Hindu temperament in his attitude and approach to problems and relations with men. He was modest, cautions, tentative, tolerant; he was prepared to listen to views different and opposite to his own, try to learn from them without giving up his own basic stand. Succeeding a national figure like Jawaharlal Nehru, he had to be wary in his steps, watch carefully the trends and forces and  movements at home and abroad. He did not wish to do something spectacular and stagger mankind. Indeed, he had already too many serious and complex problems economic and regionals to be able to take up a heroic pose. Food, economic growth, controversy over language, were all there as legacies and to be faced by a party torn by internal dissensions. The Chinese episode in the autumn of 1962 had affected the nation's prestige and self-confidence. Pakistan was, as ever, a disturbing and unpredictable element.

Shastriji faced these formidable problems as they arose coolly and calmly. He was patient not in the sense of resigning himself to forces beyond his control or permitting events to work themselves out and find solution. His patience had an element of persistence and perseverance. He did not wait patiently for “something to turn up”. But on one point he was clear. He felt that in a vast country with so many divergences of religion, community and language, unity had to be obtained the hard way. It could not be taken for granted or imposed from above. In other words, he wanted to evolve as far as possible a consensus through consultations with his party as well as opposition leaders. That was not a sign of weakness but of strength. Conflict of interests and opinions is the essence of free political life….

...Shastriji had a broad and impartial mind which was constantly struggling….He recognised, perhaps instinctively, the value of the politics of consensus. But it takes more than mere ingenuous tactics or clever manoeuvring to achieve and maintain a worthwhile consensus. And an enduring consensus cannot be built up by ignoring or blurring vital issues. If Shastriji did not always succeed, it was not for want of trying.

It was on the international plane, however, that Shastriji evinced his quality of firmness and resilience. It is in such crises as he had to face in the summer of 1965 in the Rann of Kutch and in the autumn that year on the Punjab-Kashmir border that he rose to the occasion. Opportunity may make a man but it can also unmake him. In a very real sense, during such crucial events a statesman and his methods are put to severe test. It is at such times also that reputations are made and enhanced or reduced and shattered. Shastriji on these two occasions had the final authority and bore the ultimate responsibility. I believe that he showed courage and statesmanship in standing by the Kutch agreement and the earlier pact of distribution of the waters of the Indus basin in face of criticism. And while his conduct of the unfortunate conflict with Pakistan evoked the admiration and respect of his countrymen, he never turned bellicose or allowed fanaticism and hatred to pre-dominate. He emphasised the limited objectives of the conflict which had been imposed upon our country and which had nothing to do with a destruction or conquest of Pakistan. And if Shastriji has a place in history, it is because of the way he handled this war and equally, the subsequent peace at Tashkent. It is easy to pour scorn on the sincere endeavour to arrive at an honourable settlement with a neighbouring country which has been consistently hostile. But while we may be able to choose our allies, we cannot unfortunately choose our neighbours. Shastriji recognized, as peoples and leaders have to do sooner or later, that we have to live with many of our problems, that unhappily there are no quick, easy and satisfactory solutions in international relationship. Conciliation when done without sacrifice of essential interests is not surrender. It is demagogic to condemn every kind of compromise or adjustment with other countries as “appeasement”. Shastriji did not appease Pakistan at Tashkent. What he did was to recognise that the common interests of two neighbouring countries which were part of one and a decade and a half ago, should have precedence over their differences, that development of both was more vital for their mass of people than violent conflicts engendering bitterness and hatred….If the Tashkent accord has not worked out as Shastriji and all reasonable people in both countries hoped and wished, the fault was surely not his. The Tashkent agreement has no built-in weaknesses; it is singularly unfortunate that the Pakistan leaders have not lived up to it or imbibed its spirit.

The hour of triumph, said Gandhiji on a historic occasion, is the hour of humility. For Shastriji, Tashkent was the hour of his moral victory- victory not only over the armed forces of Pakistan but, what is not less important, over the evils of hatred and fanaticism. And yet this hour was also the moment of his sudden and untimely departure and of deep and genuine sorrow for his countrymen. He signed a peace pact, so to speak, with his own blood. For him, popular affection was stronger than a fortress. He had secured his place in the hearts of the people because he was one of them. It has been said that a politician must never forget that he is just one of the common folk. Shastriji, whatever his errors and limitations, never forget this; he never lost touch with the common man not did he encourage hero-worship or try to build up a personality cult. In politics what is believed is more important than what is propagated. And people believed in Lal Bahadur Shastri. Great man expect perhaps some prophets of old or saints do not have the character of simplicity. Shastriji was by no means as simple as he seemed. But he endeavoured to be true to himself and was, therefore, not  false to any other man.  He may have been right or wrong on specified issues but so far as I know, he was never on the side of wrong.

The last enemy of Shastriji faced, as we all have to some day, was death. But death, too, revealed his poise and serenity and it could be said of him-he ran  the race too quickly at the end but he kept to the course; fate did not spare him but he kept his faith with his fellowmen.

____________________________________

Excerpts from a talk given by Shri G.L. Mehta

over the All India Radio, on

October 2, 1967

Source: C. Rajagopalachari Papers, MSS, NMML

02 October, 1904: Lal Bahadur Shastri’s Birthday

02 October, 1904: Lal Bahadur Shastri’s Birthday

Press Release

          No greater calamity could have befallen this country at this time. In his brief captainship of the nation, Lal Bahadurji had pulled this country out of a terrible psychological morass and restored its self-respect and self-confidence. His quiet courage, his wisdom, his humility gave his leadership a quality that would be difficult to equal for many generations to come. The Tashkent concord would remain not only an imperishable monument to his dedication to peace and friendship among nations but also mark a turning for the peoples of the sub-continent from the darkness of the past 18 years to the light of the future. May those who have followed him not allow that light to be dimmed any more.

NAWADAH                                                                     (Sign)

     JAYAPRAKASH NARAYAN         

11.1.66 

Source: J.P. Narayan (III Instalment), MSS, NMML