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Wednesday, February 28, 2018

02 March, 1949: Passing away of Sarojini Naidu


        (Abstract from a broadcast by Sarojini Naidu on August 15, 1947)

        “The battle of freedom is over. The struggle for peace begins. And my country, my India, that had never excluded friend of foe from her hospitality, my India that has taken knowledge form all over the world, that has offered knowledge and wisdom to the world, once more will she stand in the forefront of the world civilization, once more will she bring the message of peace, once more will she carry her lamp into the darkness of strife and struggle and hatred; and the nations of the world who are free and the nations of the world who are not free, we pledge you our comradeship, our fellowship, our understanding, our love. Let us move together towards the great world fellowship of which we dream. Let us work together for the peace that will never be ended. Let us work for justice, for equity, for human rights but not privileges, for human duties but not prerogatives, let us all be fellow-citizens of a great, free world of which our ancestors dreamed and  for which we have striven.”

Source:  Sarojini Naidu Papers, MSS, NMML



Friday, February 16, 2018

28 February, 1963 Passing away of Rajendra Prasad

Dr. RajendraPrasads Suggestions on Constructive Programme of Gandhi (abstract)

The thirteen fold constructive programme, which Gandhiji placed before us in Harijan of 18th August 1940 and which he has again stressed in his recent pamphlet entitled Constructive Programme, Its Meaning and Place, demands detailed instructions so that workers may know how to give effect to it. I trust the following ways and means that I am venturing to place before them will provide some guidance.

I.              HINDU-MUSLIM OR COMMUNAL UNITY

It may at once be admitted that the present communal disunity is due to mutual distrust and suspicion. It has so vitiated national life that suspicion of each other’s motives has crept into spheres of religious performances, language, culture, mode of life, education, economic freedom and political power – in fact, into every sphere of life.
Mutual trust will be automatically established only if we renounce the use of force under all circumstances enforcing what we consider our right or preventing the abuse of what the opponent considers his right.

II.            THE REMOVAL OF UNTOUCHABILITY

The worker has, first of all, to cast out untouchability from his own life. He must free his mind of all sense of high and low on account of birth or profession or calling. Help may, where possible, be sought from legislation and law courts, and there will probably be cases or occasions when sayagraha may have to be offered on behalf of this section of suffering humanity. Equally important is the work of education and reforming the Harijans themselves.

India has a large population of what are known as Adibasis or aboriginals residing in different parts of the country – concentrated largely in jungles and hilly tracts. They have been neglected by us, and work of education and general uplift amongst them is necessary. It has to be undertaken on a large scale and has to be more or less on the same lines as that among the Harijans.

III.           PROHIBITION

The evils resulting from drink and drugs need not be detailed here. Suffice it to say that the addict to these is not only physically ruined but also becomes a moral degenerate.
Practical ways of weaning them from the habit are to provide them with innocent drinks, to open clubs for them where they may play games and indulge in healthful recreation, and generally to befriend them during their leisure hours. No doubt such work will need funds and can best be carried out by organizations, but the individual worker can do a great deal if he visits the homes of the addicts and tries to win their confidence
IV.          KHADI
Spinning and weaving not only supply this need, not only solve the problem of clothing the villager but also make a substantial addition to his slender resources. It has never been suggested that those who can earn more in any other occupation should give up their work and take to spinning. It is pre-eminently a supplementary industry.

As a matter of fact every agriculturist should be persuaded to grow enough cotton to serve his personal requirements. There is again hardly a locality where there are no weavers perishing for want of employment. All this soil is ready for the worker to till and cultivate. Faith, zeal, intelligence and efficiency in the art of khadi-making alone are required for revolutionizing the entire face of village life.

V.           OTHER VILLAGE INDUSTRIES

It is the decay of handicraft in our villages that has been the cause of their ruin and made agriculture itself uninteresting and even unprofitable.

Cottage industries have died to a large extent. These must be revived, if village India has to be resuscitated. Therefore as Gandhiji has so poetically described it let khadi be the sun round which all the lesser planets will revolve, and let all who wish to serve the villages use as far as possible nothing but village products.

VI.          VILLAGE SANITATION

Village sanitation can be easily improved, if the inhabitants are inspired with an intelligent understanding of the dangers and ugliness of insanitation and insanitary habits.

Groups of young men and women can band themselves into volunteer corps for educating the villagers in the matter of sanitation. Workers must take a hand in scavenging themselves inasmuch as personal example is the best means of propaganda.

VII.         NEW OR BASIC EDUCATION
Educationists the world over have recognized the superior value of the method of education through ‘doing’, imparting knowledge through handicrafts, and in India it has a special value. Properly trained and enthusiastic men and women teachers are wanted to make the scheme the success it deserves to be.

VIII.       ADULT EDUCATION
Adult education must not, however, be confined to the knowledge of the ‘three Rs’. It must include a great deal of other useful and essential general education.

Evening hour will be the most suitable for holding classes for adult education
Co-operative effort is very effective. Once a few adults have learnt how to read and write, a small library should be established in which suitable literature may gradually be collected and a daily newspaper provided.

An immense amount of general knowledge can be imparted by word of mouth. The field of adult education offers a grand opportunity for developing a sense of citizenship as also for inculcating a sprit of corporate endeavour among the people. Both are most essential factors in village reconstruction.

IX.          UPLIFT OF WOMEN
It is tragic that in our present-day society women does not play the great part she is meant or entitled to play, because of certain social customs and prejudices which have unfortunately become, as it were, a tradition.

We have, therefore, to banish from our hearts all ideas of the inferiority of women and give them their rightful place of absolute equality.

In this as in all other constructive work the worker has to begin reform in his own home. Only in this way will he be able to change the outlook in this matter of those with whom he comes in contact.

X.           EDUCATION IN HYGIENE AND HEALTH
It is essential to emphasize the necessity of keeping the body and mind in a fit condition. To this end regular habits, a health-giving balanced diet, daily exercise, work, and above all a life of self-restraint are needed.


XI.          PROPAGATION OF RASHTRA BHASHA
National language (Rashtra Bhasha) should be such can be easily understood and learnt by all.
It is this language- Hindustani- which has naturally been recognized as our national language, and it is the duty of every worker to acquire a good working knowledge of it.

XII.         CULTIVATING LOVE OF ONE’S OWN LANGUAGE

It has been stated under the preceding head that the cultivation of a national language is a necessity for national purposes. But the cultivation of one’s mother tongue is equally necessary from the point of view of one’s own growth, the preservation of one’s culture and as a means of expressing one’s innermost thoughts.

There need be no conflict between the provincial languages and the Rashtra Bhasha. Indeed they must progress hand in hand, each fulfilling its own purpose and acting and reacting healthily on the other.


XIII.       WORKING FOR ECONOMIC EQUALITY
If all, who can, pool their surplus resources for the benefit of the masses, an immense beginning towards bringing in an equitable order will have been made. But the chief thing for the monied men is to limit their expenses so as to bring them on a level as far as possible with what should be possible for a labourer in an ideal society.

We have dealt with the thirteen items of the constructive programme which Gandhiji has specifically mentioned. There are certain others which may also be considered. As these are more or less of an organizational nature, they can be usefully employed for furthering the thirteen fold programme.

XIV.      CONGRESS ORGANIZATION
Organizing the masses for the struggle for freedom is constructive work of first class importance. We have the general organization of the Congress. We may also endeavour to organize the Kisans, labourers and students, for example. The work of these organizations may overlap to some extent; but if they are based on non-violence, conflict is impossible. And misunderstanding or differences can easily be resolved without leaving any trace of bitterness.

XV.        LABOUR ORGANIZATION
Labour employed in factories is a group which has been organized in Trade Unions.
There is no harm in organizing labour for the benefit of labour, but they must not be exploited for political purposes.

While strikes are necessary if the employer is unreasonable and unbending, they should be resorted to only in the last instance when every other method for getting fair play and justice has failed. The guidance and help of good workers among labour is very essential.

XVI.      STUDENT ORGANIZATION
A students’ organization should, not be for the ventilation of the country’s grievances and for enforcing redress thereof but for supplementing the deficiencies in the education imparted in existing institutions. It should be an organization calculated to make them efficient citizens and not for fighting political battles. This does not imply that students have no part to play in the freedom movement.
Devoted workers are needed who can win the love and confidence of the student world and bring into their ranks that discipline and unity which are so baldy lacking today. Workers must be free from passion or prejudice and utterly unselfish. They must not be liable to be carried away by gusts of passing enthusiasm or depressed by the chill air of dejection. They must work with confidence and faith and an understanding of youth.

Conclusion
Gandhiji’s pamphlet on the constructive programme has shown clearly the close link between it and the struggle for freedom. There is no Indian, whatever his school of political thought, whatever his community, who does not desire complete freedom for his country.
It applies equally to men and women, young and old. Indeed a very great contribution can be expected from women. Let me hope that it will enthuse all and be worked with intelligence, energy, faith and vigour so that India may come into her own at the earliest possible moment.


Source: M.K. Gandhi (Pyarelal Papers), MSS, NMML

Sunday, February 11, 2018

22 February, 1958 Passing away of Maulan Abul Kalam Azad

Statement of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Criticizing Lord Zetland’s Speech and Muslim League’s Idea of Dividing India and Supporting Congress

Lord Zetland’s speech leaves things where they have been since the breakdown of the negotiations between Lord Linlithgow and Gandhiji in February last. I can only say that every difficulty that the Secretary of State raises is completely met by the proposed Constituent Assembly. The issue is simple. Is the British Government prepared to admit the right of self determination for India ? If she is, then there can be only one proper method of finally deciding all the problems. They should be referred to the elected representatives of India. Only such an assembly can deal with problems relating to Hindus and Muslims and the Indian States. But if the British Government is not prepared to accept this position, then it is clear that they want to hold India by force. In such case there can be no common ground for mutual understanding.

I therefore fail to understand why the Secretary of State continues to repeat the difficulty about the minorities and the Prince who wants the British Government to coerce the minorities against their will, who says that a decision should be forced on the unwilling Mussalmans? The Congress does not want to dictate its own terms to others. It admits the fullest right of the minorities to formulate their own safeguards. It has no hesitation in admitting the right of the Muslims to determine their own method for safeguarding their rights and interests through their representatives. It only wants the recognition of a correct and democratic method of approach to the problems. The recognised minorities can send their representatives to this assembly through separate electorates if they choose to do so. So far as the settlement of their problem is concerned, it would not depend on the vote of the majority.

The Muslim League has presented at its Lahore Session the idea of dividing India into Hindu and Muslim. This concept is so unreal, crude, fallacious and impracticable that on reconsideration the League itself would probably not insist on its realisation. But so far as the Congress is concerned, it has no hesitation in saying that this matter may also be entrusted to the Muslim representatives of the proposed assembly. The right to take such a step can vest only in the Mussalmans who are elected by Mussalamans themselves for such a purpose. The League can present any scheme but it cannot claim that the scheme is accepted by the totality or even the majority of the Mussalams. I have no misgivings about the attitude of the Muslim members of such an assembly. They would never favour a vivisection of India.

The strangest portion of the speech of the Secretary of State is the one which he has chosen as his peroration. It ends thus: provided that Reuter’s Agency has reported the speech fully:- “Will the Congress refrain from closing the door upon that unity of India which they themselves so passionately desire ? It is not too much to say that upon the answer which the Congress Party will give to that question hangs the future fate of India.”

I tried to reach the meaning of these words but have to admit that I have failed. What action of the Congress can be construed to bear the meaning given by the Secretary of State? The Congress stands for complete Independence. This is clearly impossible without communal unity. But neither the one nor the other can be had without an assembly really representative of the people. There is no machinery which can give real unity. The assembly and it alone can determine the way of unity and determine India’s status.

Lord Zetland’s speech seems to show that the British government do not wish to part with power. They will not recognise India’s right to determine for herself what she wants.


Source:  M.K. Gandhi (Pyarelal Papers), MSS, NMML

Thursday, February 8, 2018

19 February 1915 Passing away of Gopal Krishna Gokhale

Gokhale’s views on the position taken by Tilak

My dear Bhupen Babu,

            .…The position taken up by Mr. Tilak in his talks with Mr. Subba Row (not with  Mrs. Besant) here last week brings us up against difficulties which are fundamental and go to the very root of the Congress….

            .…They wanted quietly to return to the Congress fold, but that considerations of self- respect stood in their way….

            .…We were also swayed in our attitude by the extreme desirability of taking an early opportunity to heal the breach in public life that had resulted from the split of 1907….

            ….I regret, however, to say that the statement of his position made by Mr. Tilak to Mr. Subba Row last week has shaken me altogether as regards the advisibility of the relaxation in rules that I have favoured these three years….

            .…That hope, however, has now been shattered. Mr. Tilak has told Mr. Subba Row frankly and in unequivocal terms that though he accepts the position laid down in what is known as the Congress creed, viz., that the aim of the Congress is the attainment by India of self-government within the Empire by constitutional means, he does not believe in the present methods of the Congress, which rest on association with Government where possible and opposition to it where necessary. In place of these he wants to substitute the method of opposition to Government pure and simple within `constitutional limits-in other words a policy of Irish obstruction. We on our side are agitating for a larger and larger share in the Government of the country– in the Legislative Councils, on Municipal and Local Boards, in public services and so forth. Mr. Tilak wants to address only one demand to the Government here and to the British Public in England, viz., for the Concession of Self- Government to India and till that is conceded, he would urge his countrymen to have nothing to do with either the public services or Legislative Councils and Local and Municipal Bodies. And by organizing obstruction to Government in every possible direction within the limits of the laws of the land, he hopes to be able to bring the administration to a standstill, and compel the authorities to capitulate. This is briefly his programme and he says that he wants to work for its realization through the Congress if he and his followers are enabled to rejoin it or, failing this, by starting a new organisation to be called the National League. He has explicitly told Mr. Subba Row that he gives us fair warning that this is his purpose in seeking re-admission into the Congress….

            ….He will strive first for effecting such changes in the rules as will throw open election as delegate practically to everybody as before 1907 and then for getting the Congress to endorse his programme by securing its sessions at the attendance of a majority of delegates of his way of thinking….

            ….One or two friends here have tried to minimize the seriousness of Mr. Tilak’s statement by saying that though Mr. Tilak may profess these intentions and views, he will not have a sufficient following to carry them out in practice, as his programme is not, by a long, long way, feasible in the present circumstance of India. I agree that the programme, if sought to be carried out, is incapable of achievement, at any rate for a long time to come. I am also clear in my own mind that if Mr. Tilak tries to establish a new organization for the furtherance of his views, it will be suppressed by Government….

            .…But what I do not consider equally impossible is Mr. Tilak bringing to a session of the Congress a sufficient number of men prepared to vote as he directs and give him a majority expressing a kind of academic approval of his views….

            ....Should he succeed in doing this, I feel almost certain that it will mean the end of the Congress, for the authorities will not fail to deal drastically with the situation and suppress the movement….

            .…We must either have all of them, including Mr. Tilak, in, in which case his powerful and restless personality will again draw to itself all seceders and recreate our old troubles, or else we must keep the present restrictions as they are and leave it to individual seceders to come back through existing recognized organisation….

            .…Our Congress should also find room within it for all who are in favour of self- government within the Empire for India, however they differed in their methods. But surely the Congress is not a legislative assembly where all interests must be represented. It is a propagandist movement whose effectiveness for advance must depend upon the unanimity with which its operations are conducted and which must be paralysed in proportion as it has divided counsels at its head….      

With Kind Regards                                                             Yours Sincerely                                                                                                            G.K. Gokhale       
 
Source: Bhupendra Nath Basu, MSS, NMML

Sunday, February 4, 2018

11 February, 1968: Passing away of Deen Dayal Upadhayaya

Invitation to the Eight Annual Session of Bharatiya Jana Sangh, Nagpur   23-25 January 1960

BHARATIYA  JANA SANGH                                                      AJMERI GATE
CENTRAL OFFICE
Ref. No. A/VIII -25-1960                                                   DELHI- 10-01-1960

Dear Friend,
            
                 The Eight Annual Session of Bharatiya Jana Sangh is going to be held at Nagpur on January 23-25, 1960 under the presidentship of Sri Pitamber Dass. About 3,000 delegates from all parts of the country are expected to attend the session and confer on the problems facing the country and the ways to tackle them.
                
                During the last twelve years a number of questions have come before the country. But with regret it has to be said that the Government have failed to provide a satisfactory solution to most of them. The situation on all fronts, economic, political, social, international, is daily becoming more and more grave. Due to Chinese aggression, and the existence of subversive elements cooperating with the invaders, even our freedom and national existence are in peril.
            
               …It is necessary that the democratic nationalist forces  come together and  make a determined bid to remove the feeling of despair and disppointment in the people by making them conscious of their inner strength and of the fundamental unity of the nation. This alone will enable them to face the existing dangers and enthuse them to engage themselves constructively in the building of a new and glorious Bharat. It needs our cooperative endeavour. Though you are not directly associated with Bharatiya Jana Sangh, yet your views, work and example have always been a source of inspirations and guidance in our effort to serve the nation. We take this opportunity to invite you to the session and request you to find some time to be with us at Nagpur….
          
         …If, however, your preoccupations render it entirely impossible for you to be personally present, you may kindly send us your message to guide us in this critical hour in the history of the nation. It will help Jana Sangh reflect the views of the nation and make it an effective instrument for the realisation of its ideals….
            
                Looking forward for your great cooperation in the service of the Mother.
                                                                                                  
                                                                                            Yours sincerely,
                                                                                    Deen Dayal Upadhyaya
Source: D.P. Mishra, MSS, NMML